There was only one problem. The man who seemed to be in charge wasn’t the president. It was his security-council chief and ostensible political ally Aleksandr Lebed, the ambitious former general whom Yeltsin enlisted earlier this summer to help defeat the communists in Russia’s July election. And the president wasn’t pleased. ““I am not completely satisfied with Lebed’s work,’’ he snapped in a TV appearance Thursday. ““During the election campaign, he said if he had power he could solve the problem in Chechnya. Well, now he has power, and unfortunately I still can’t see any results.''

It was a strange thing to say under the circumstances. But for Boris Yeltsin, these are strange days. Public reports had him on his way to the hospital for a double-bypass operation, and the Kremlin persistently refused to provide details about just what ails Yeltsin or how serious it is. ““We don’t know much more than anyone else,’’ said one Clinton administration official last week, ““and yes, we’re worried.’’ But while taking his swipe at Lebed, Yeltsin seemed to have some of his old energy. He joked with reporters about a rumored trip to Switzerland for surgery – ““If I go on holiday, it will be here in Russia’’ – and looked vigorous.

Whether he is healthy enough to rein in his warring underlings and force an end to the Chechen mess remains maddeningly unclear. The only obvious part of his strategy is to undercut Lebed. After rejecting the general’s demand to sack a powerful cabinet minister (without producing any evidence, Lebed charged he had knowingly allowed Chechen fighters to infiltrate Grozny), Yeltsin issued contradictory orders: to return Grozny to Russian control and to prepare for a withdrawal of Russian troops. In response, Russian generals warned of a massive bombing campaign, and told civilians to clear out of Grozny. Panicked Chechens rushed out to the only two open roads from the capital. Lebed immediately flew to Chechnya, where he called the threat of bombardment ““a bad joke.’’ He negotiated the ceasefire and tried a tactic that helped him defuse an ethnic conflict four years ago in Moldova: jointly run checkpoints to help maintain order.

With little to lose, the Chechens went along. ““He gave his word,’’ said rebel commander Aslan Maskhadov. ““I want to take the word of an officer.’’ More telling was the reaction of the beleaguered Russian troops. Though Yeltsin still refuses to cede any more Russian territory to anyone, the troops on the ground now seem more than willing to declare victory (or defeat) and get out. ““If I was given an order that I have 15 minutes to grab my armor and get the hell out of here, I’d be very happy,’’ said one Russian major late last week. ““My opinion of just moving out is shared by many of my colleagues.’’ The chaos in the Kremlin has only deepened the troops’ despair. ““We’re just like puppets,’’ said one soldier who gave his name as Denis last week. ““We have no idea what is going on.''

It’s hard to see what the political incentive is for Yeltsin to stick it out in Chechnya – or even to drive a particularly hard bargain in any final settlement. He blunted the nationalist challenge in the last election, and now in any case has Lebed to deal with the military. But is Yeltsin thinking clearly? And even if he needs – and gets – a relatively routine bypass operation, can a Russian already eight years beyond the average male life expectancy in his country possibly withstand the rigors of his current job? After the July election, both inside and outside Russia, there was a brief moment of relief. A victorious Yeltsin had filled his new administration with reformers – not to mention critics of the Chechnya fiasco. Russia actually seemed stable. That moment now seems like a long, long time ago.